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ADDRESSES 



OF 



PRESIDENT HARDING 



MAY 23, 1921 



HOBOKEN, N. J. 



return of bodies of soldiers, sailors, 
marines, and nurses 

New York, N. Y. 

luncheon, academy of political science, 
hotel astor 

DINNER, CELEBRATION OF 125th ANNIVERSARY 
OF FOUNDING OF THE NEW YORK COMMER- 
CIAL, HOTEL COMMODORE 



2i--z4^n'^ 




WASHINGTON 
1921 




LIBRARY OF CONGRESS 



JUNiatS21 



il5!^C!!y»^l.!v>'f'U-.;. 



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;sj»;;Ji3u:&:iMlUiaa3aia w »» 'W ' WCT ' '™' * " '''^*>g 






Hoboken, N. J., on the Occasion of the Return of 5,212 Bodies of 
Soldiers, Sailors, Marines, and Nurses Who Lost Their Lives 
in the Great War. 



There grows on me the realization of the unusual character of 
this occasion. Our Eepublic has been at war before, it has asked 
and received the supreme sacrifices of its sons and daughters, and 
faith m America has been justified. Many sons and daughters made 
the sublime offering and went to hallowed graves as the Nation's 
defenders. But we never before sent so manv to battle under the 
flag in foreign land, never before was there the impressive spec- 
tacle of thousands of dead returned-to find eternal resting place 
m the beloved homeland. The incident is without any parallel in 
history that I lvnow\ 

These dead know nothing of our ceremony to-dav. Thev sense 
nothing of the sentiment or the tenderness which brino-^ their 
wasted bodies to the homeland for burial close to kin and" friends 
and cherished associations. These poor bodies are but the clav 
tenements once possessed of souls which flamed in patriotic de- 
votion, lighted new hopes on the battle grounds of civilization and 
111 their sacrifices sped on to accuse autocracv before the court of 
eternal justice. 

We^are not met for them, though we love and honor and si^eak a 
grateful tribute. It would be futile to speak to those who do not 
hear or to sorrow for those who can not sense it or to exalt those 
who can not know. But we can speak for country, we can reach those 
who sorrowed and sacrificed through their service, who suffered 
through their going, who glory with the Eepublic through their 
heroic achievements, who rejoice in the civilization their heroism 
preserved. Every funeral, every memorial, everv tribute is for the 
hying— an offering in compensation of sorrow. When the li^rht of 
life goes out there is a new radiance in eternitv, and somehmv the 
glow of It reheves the darkness which is left behind. 

Never a death but somewhere a new life; never a sacrifice but 
somewhere an atonement; never a service but somewhere and some- 
how an achievement. These had served, which is the supreme inspira- 
tion m living. They have earned everlasting gratitude, which is the 
supreme solace in dying. 



50629—21 ,g. 



No one may measure the vast and varied affections and sorrows 
centerino- on this priceless cargo of bodies — once living, fighting for, 
and finall}^ flying for the Republic, One's words fail, his under- 
standing is halted, his emotions are stirred beyond control when con- 
templating these thousands of beloved dead. I find a hundred thou- 
sand sorrows touching my heart, and there is ringing in my ears, like 
an admonition eternal, an insistent call, " It must not be again ! It 
must not be again ! " God grant that it will not be. and let a prac- 
tical people join in cooperation with God to the end that it shall not be. 

I would not wish a Nation for wliich men are not willing to fight 
and, if need be, to die, but I do wish for a Nation where it is 
not necessary to ask that sacrifice. I do not pretend that millenial 
days have come, but I can, believe in the possibility of a Nation being 
so righteous as never to make a war of conquest and a Nation so 
poM'^erful in righteousness that none will dare invoke her wrath. I 
wish for us such an America. These heroes were sacrificed in the 
supreme conflict of all human history. They saw democracy chal- 
lenged and defended it. They saw civilization threatened and res- 
cued it. They saw America affronted and resented it. They saw 
our Nation's rights imperiled and stamped those rights with a new 
sanctity and renewed security. 

They gave all which men and women can give. We shall give our 
most and best if we make certain that they did not die in vain. We 
shall not forget, no matter whether they lie amid the sweetness and 
the bloom of the homeland or sleep in the soil they crimsoned. Our 
mindfulness, our gratitude, our reverence shall be in the preserved 
Kepublic and the maintained liberties and the supreme justice for 
which they died. 



Luncheon of the Academy of Political Science, Hotel Astor, New 
York City, Monday, May 23, 1921, at 1 p. m. 



Gextlemex : I can not tell you how oratifyinir it is to ojreet a o-atli- 
ering of such men as I see here, broufrht together for the purpose 
that animates you. I recognize among you many men peculiarly 
equipped to deal with the great questions of Government organiza- 
tion, reorganization, and retrenchment ; and as I look into your faces 
I feel that your special qualifications constitute the assurance that 
you will understand and sympathize with one who in an immediate 
relation finds himself grappling with these problems. You have 
studied and dealt with the affairs of great organizations; you know 
the power of intrenched tradition and long-established custom; you 
do not need to be told that general, inclusive plans are necessary as 
a preliminary to accomplishment in such matters. 

Everywhere we turn we note that Government has in recent time 
assumed a more complex relationship to the public than it ever sus- 
tained before. The mobilization of man power, industrial forces, and 
financial resources, which was made necessary in the war's exigen- 
cies, could only have been accomplished through the exertion of the 
utmost powers of Government. Those powers were exerted to the 
extreme limit, and stupendously important results Avere attained. 
As a result of that demonstration of Government's capacity to force 
great results in emergencies, there has grown up a school of thought 
which assumes that even in time of peace the same autocratic author- 
ity might well be exercised in the general interest. Many men 
thoughtlessly urge that " Governments took over the control, even 
the conduct, of many industries and facilities during the war; there 
followed a great increase in wages, a vast expansion of business 
activity ; therefore why not assume that continuance of such control 
and management in time of peace would enable continuance of the 
same liberality in compensation and profits, the same intense business 
activity?" 

Those who look below the surface know that the things which Gov- 
ernments accomplished during the war were accomplished at a stag- 
gering cost — a cost which society could not bear for long, a cost that 
has left society burdened with debts which mortgage generations of 
the future. They know that the feverish seeming of i)rosperity was 

(5) 



6 

not genuine, but was i^ossible only because society was literally burn- 
ing up its stocks of capital, and that this destruction of capital was 
responsible for the reaction and depression which are now felt uni- 
versally. In this process the bureaus of Government were immensely 
increased, and it is for us now to find means of lightening those 
burdens. 

Government, to a greater extent now than ever before, is under 
obligation to give the greatest service for the lowest possible cost. 
But it is for certain obvious reasons difficult to do this, because Gov- 
ernment is not under the necessity to earn profits nor to obey laws 
which regulate competition. These are the prime guaranties of effi- 
ciency and fair dealing in private business. They do not apply to 
Government, and therefore Government should be placed, so far as 
possible, under a strict sway of the methods which are applied in 
private business to secure these ends. Government should be broad, 
conscientious, and intelligent enough to subject itself to these rules 
despite that its quality of sovereignty would place it beyond them if 
it chose to assume that position. Every principle and device which 
promotes efficiency in private business should be adapted and applied 
in Government affairs. I will trust the public official who decides 
his public problem as though it were his very own. 

To bring economy and efficiency into Government is a task second 
to none in difficulty. Few people, in or out of the Government, have 
any conception of the growth of Government business in the last 
decades before the World War; still fewer at all realize the pace to 
Avhich that growth has been speeded up since the war started. The 
multiplication of departments, bureaus, divisions, functions has re- 
sulted in a sort of geometrical increase in the tasks which confront 
the heads of executive departments wdien they face reconstruction 
]3roblems. They find that with their time already mortgaged in 
favor of tasks which demand more hours than the day provides they 
must devise means for doing 3^et more work with less money. 

Fortunately the prospect is not so hopeless as might appear, because 
the present organization is so bad that the insistent application of a 
few established principles of sound business organization will result 
in immediate economics and provide a margin of available means to 
meet new demands. The party in power is pledged to economy and 
efficiency, and you may be assured that every energy is being directed 
to redeem that pledge to the last degree and with all promptness. 

At tlie beginning of his administration President Taft secured 
from Congress the establishment of an Economy and Efficiency 
Commission. It made a comprehensive survey of activities, organ- 
ization, and personnel of the whole (lovernment establishment. The 
report on that survey was never printed; but it is available, and 
can be consulted to determine where wastages and overlappings 



of function are. That commission further presented particular 
suo-gestions as to how specific economies could be effected, efficiency 
established, and much money saved. 

Tlie problem has been vastly complicated and increased as result 
of the war. The present Congress has already provided for a 
Joint Committee on the Reorganization of the Administrative 
Branch of the Government. A representative of the Executive 
wall serve with this committee, so that there is now in progress a 
thorough study of the whole problem. The task will require some 
time, and ultimate results must await it. More, it will demand a 
resolute courage to effect the abolition of the useless and the coor- 
dination of the useful. 

But meanwhile we shall, I trust, have a budget system in opera- 
tion under the law before the opening of the new fiscal year. This 
is a long step toward introducing into Government the sound meth- 
ods that great private business establishments have adopted. I 
need not emphasize to you gentlemen the anomalous situation of 
the Government heretofore in having a great number of spending 
committees apportioning moneys to various purposes without any 
study of the relationship between these various purposes, and regard- 
less of the relationship of these aggregated spendings to the revenue 
in sight. No business, no humblest household, could be thus con- 
ducted without leading into disaster. 

Establishment of a budget system is the foundation on which 
reorganization must be based. It is hardly conceivable, indeed, that 
a proper budget system could be established and carried on for 
any considerable time without forcing attention to the evils and 
effecting the reform of many deficiencies in the present system. But 
the budget program will not do everything. It must not be ac- 
counted a fiscal and efficiency panacea, for it will not be. There 
must still be much and continuing effort to keep expenses down, 
to insure full value for every dollar of the taxpayer's money the 
Government spends. 

At this point, let me say, too much stress can not be laid on the 
fact that eternal vigilance is the price of economy and efficienc3\ 
Nothing is easier in a Government establishment than to continue in 
existence offices, positions, employments, once they are created. It 
requires persistent, determined, stony-hearted devotion to the public 
interest. There must be utter sacrifice of all s^mipathy for the place 
holder whose real reason for keeping his position is that he wants 
the salary. There must be constant examinations to determine how. 
in the processes of evolving functions and methods, forces may be re- 
duced and duplications of work eliminated. Inertia, which is easily 
the greatest force in governmental organizations, must be combated 
at every point. The fact that a thing has existed for a decade or a 



8 

century — that things have been done in a certain way for a genera- 
tion — must not be accepted as proving that it ought to continue that 
way. The men who conscientiously and intelligently do this work 
must not expect to popularize themselves with the officeholders or 
with the liberal spenders. Even the administration which devotes 
itself relentlessly to such work must understand that it will lose a 
good deal of immediate loyalty on the part of a certain class of 
politicians, which will not be compensated to it at once in the appre- 
ciation of the public, for the public will not have the deep, imme- 
diate interest or the active concern which will animate the person 
who finds himself being pried loose from the purse strings. 

Xevertheless, thankless and ungracious as the task will be for most 
of those who devote their efforts to it, it must, and will be attacked, 
it is being attacked, with all determination. Something can be 
done, even pending the effective inauguration of the budget and the 
survey by the joint committee, toward bettering conditions. In all 
the departments, I may say to you, this sort of work is already pro- 
gressing under Executive orders within the power of the Executive. 
We shall need the full support of enlightened public opinion, and, 
realizing this. I am glad that such bodies as the Academj'^ of Politi- 
cal Science, the United States Chamber of Commerce, the engineer- 
ing societies, and business organizations generally are studying and 
discussing these questions. Out of such counsels will come truer 
appreciation of the difficulties and magnitude of Government busi- 
ness, a larger sense of public responsibility, and a highly desirable 
cooperation between public and private business for the common 
good. 



I 



Dinner in Celebration of the One Hundred and Twenty-fifth 
Anniv^ersary of the Founding of the New York Commercial at 
the Hotel Commodore, New York, Monday evening. May 23, 
1921. 



Mr. ToASTMASTER AXD Gentlemex : It is a pleasure to join in the 
commemoration of an anniversary of business, for business is the 
most engrossing affair of tlie world. It is no confession of unworthy 
vanity to say it is especially engrossing in America, because it is the 
very lifeblood of material existence. 

So I have come, Mr. Whitman, to greet you, your staff, your asso- 
ciates, and the splendid company of your friends here assembled. 
You and your predecessors, sir, have done a continuing work of gen- 
erations for the cause of American business which it is a pleasure to 
acknowledge, and on which you are entitled to be highly compli- 
mented. The high place which we have given to business in the 
modern community could not be more eloquently attested than in 
this gathering. It has brought together men who are proud to be 
the workers, organizers, producers, directors of business life, and 
whom the community has recognized as its leaders in the most diver- 
sified realms. Perhaps a morsel of special satisfaction may be per- 
mitted to me, because, as a newspaper man myself, I find here the 
evidence of the stability, the permanence, the firm hold in public 
regard of the particular business that has engaged my own efforts. 
You are affording us proof of what may be achieved under the guid- 
ance of high ideals and a continuing policy of sincere, useful service. 

We may well pause a moment to consider what such a background 
means to a commercial business such as your own. The New York 
Commercial comes down to us through a century and a quarter of 
splendid traditions. It is good to think that almost the only thing 
that has remained constant, unchanging, in the business world since 
this paper was founded is the supremacy of sound principle and high 
purpose, which have been its inspiration in the past, which guide it 
to-day, and which constitute a heritage of distinguished merit. 

If we could have summoned for this occasion the men who pre- 
pared and issued the first numbers of the old New York Price Cur- 
rent, lineal progenitor of the Commercial, their amazement at mate- 
rial changes, their satisfaction in the vindication of right policies, 
would offer eloquent testimony. They would see the magic city of 

(9) 



10 

a remade world where they knew a straggling colonial port. They 
would count near twice as many people in that city as they knew in 
the entire country. They would learn that here is the business and 
financial lodestone of a new world. The revolution in methods of 
production, the introduction of the factory system, the marvels of 
steam and electricity, the railroad and the steamship, the summoning 
of science as the handmaiden to progress and the minister to human 
welfare — these things they would see, and they would exclaim at 
last : " Has nothing been left unchanged in this magic centur}^ of an 
Aladdin's world?" 

And we would reply to them to-night : " Yes ; one thing remains 
unchanged. The generations do not outgrow it. Invention does not 
supersede it. Mankind can no more prosper without it than it 
could in the earlier day of simple manners and methods. That one 
continuing, unchanging, and unchangeable thing is character. Here 
you may view one of its monuments. Here you will see how through 
all mutations the structure built with conscience as its architect and 
character as its corner stone is destined to stand, foursquare and firm. 
Here you see the business growth from those seeds of character and 
integrity which j^ou planted. It has liA^ed and grown in three cen- 
turies, but it has the same soul that you implanted in the days of 
humble beginnings." 

On an occasion such as this, and in the presence of such an inspira- 
tion, it Avill not be inappropriate to consider for a moment the posi- 
tion, duties, and responsibilities of men who are leaders of business. 

The New York Commercial was founded in the time when the 
young Eepublic was distracted by a division of opinion concerning 
our relations with Europe. The noble Washington was being lam- 
pooned and traduced because his administration was committed to 
the Jay treaty with Great Britain, first of the Nation's commercial 
covenants. It represented an effort to escape embroilment with the 
Old World system, and in the period when we were too weak to 
sustain a foreign conflict it served to postpone that disaster. But 
only to postpone it, for with every wish to preserve the peace it was 
impossible. We fought wars with France and England as inci- 
dents to the French revolutionary and Napoleonic upheaval. It has 
been too often assumed that our recent involvement in the troubles 
of Europe marked a new development in our affairs. In fact, it 
was an old story. We never were and never will be able to maintain 
isolation. But our part and our place in international affairs are 
strikingly changed. It is a far call from those days to these; from 
weakness to power, from poverty to affluence, from the minor to the 
major participation. For the strides we have taken in every phase 
of national importance we are indebted in great part to the vision, 
the energy, the unbounded confidence and unfailing optimism of 



11 

the American business commimitv, and to the farseeing leadership 
of men like those who have directed the great commercial newspaper 
whose guests we are to-night. 

Every generation has it problems. Our rise in power and influence 
has im^Dosed new responsibilities. Those who for more than a dozen 
decades have determined the course of this pioneer of the business 
press have given us a lesson well worth attention. They have seen 
the country go through many times of stress and crisis, and their 
institution has gone through with it; wiser for the experience, 
stronger for the tests. They have seen the time when our weakness 
as a Nation made it impossible for us to avoid involvement in the 
troubles of the Old World, and again they have seen how our strength 
imposed an obligation that made such avoidance equally impossible. 

To-daj^, in the particular realm of this newspaper, we face a like 
condition. Our strength in the industrial, financial, and commercial 
world, our capacity to produce, our ability to extend credits which 
others can not give and which brave but unfortunate peoples sorely 
need — all these make it necessary that we shall adopt new com- 
mercial methods whereby to insure the fullest possible service to 
civilization. I bespeak the help of every organ of intelligent, under- 
standing business to enable the Xation to meet these demands. 

It has been said many times, but it can not be too often repeated 
and emphasized, that in doing this we will be alike discharging a duty 
to others and seizing an opportunity for our own advancement. 
There have seldom been more convincing proofs than we see all 
around us now of the essential interdependence of all parts of the 
Avorld. Xo people, no race, no continent, can live within itself alone. 
He who displays the broadest spirit of brotherhood, helpfulness, and 
true charity will most surely be casting his bread upon the waters. 
The instruments of sound, safe business must be adapted, it is true, 
to the conditions which face us — conditions unlike any that our times 
have known, though n.ot greatly different in their economic funda- 
mentals from those of some other epochs. But changing epochs do 
not alter everlasting principles. 

Courage, confidence, and wisdom, along with a fitting measure 
of enterprise and even adventure, are needed. After the Napoleonic 
era there were some who viewed the future gloomily ; but those who 
looked to it with hopeful vision, with assurance in the basic things 
of civilization, at last enjoyed both the satisfaction of duty performed 
and the substantial rewards of industry exi^anded, commerce ex- 
tended, and enterprise firmly established. The day of like oppor- 
tunity for our generation is dawning after the night of storm and 
trial. 

Our duty to the world at large is pressing, but we will equip our- 
selves best to perform helpfully if we are unwaveringly loyal to 



12 

ourselves. The most important thing to Americans is America, and 
the most important thing to America is our constitutional system. 
Our Constitution was adopted in, order to perfect a more perfect 
Union, and as the national life has developed under it that Union has 
been so perfected that State lines have well-nigh ceased to have more 
than geographical and political significance. We have had the test of 
disunion, the triumph of reunion, and now the end of sectionalism. 
On the social side, we have naturally fallen into groupings with com- 
munity of interest — agricultural and industrial — and incidentally 
social. These groupings have drawn us as a community still closer 
together. The Great War effaced the last vestige of sectionalism, and 
we stand to-day more firmly unified than ever before. 

Inseparable from the formation of a more perfect Union, the Con- 
stitution sought to establish justice. True, we have not attained the 
perfection of our ideals in this regard, nor has any other human 
society done so; but it is the proof of our national righteousness of 
purpose that Ave are never satisfied, and therefore are always trying 
to maintain as possible the equilibrium of precise justice. 

Justice, like charit}'^, must begin at home. We must be just to 
ourselves and to our own first of all. This is not selfish, for selfish- 
ness seeks more than a fair share ; we seek only that which is right- 
fully our own, and then to ]Dreserve that to ourselves and our pos- 
terity. The war sadly disjointed things in the world and we are now 
seeking to restore the proper balance. In our efforts to do this, to 
achieve justice without selfishness, we will do well to cling to our 
firm foundations. I believe in the inspired beginning. There we 
will find that national greatness was founded on agriculture, that 
later we developed industry, and ultimately commerce, both domestic 
and foreign. 

We will do well to keep in mind at this time the fundamental im- 
portance of agriculture and in every possible way insure justice to it. 
Surely w« have done all that could be expected of us in carrying the 
burdens of others, and there is no regret, but our just concern now is 
for our America, because our own restoration is our first service to a 
world turning to us for aid and inspiration. The country has 
emerged from the hectic prosperity following the war and is suffering 
from depression. We are confronted by the need to place our own 
house in order, and no more important feature of that effort can be 
visioned than to place our agricultural industry on a sound basis and 
provide machinery and facilities for financing and distributing crops. 
If we do this we merely will be providing the farmer with facilities 
similar to those enjoyed by the business community generally. The 
farmer is entitled to all the help the Government can give him with- 
out injustice to others, because it is of the utmost importance that 
the agricultural community be contented and prosperous. This must 



13 

be accomplished not at the expense of an}^ other section of the com- 
mimit3% but by processes which will insure real justice among all 
elements in the communit}'. Agriculture has been laboring under 
several handicaps and is entitled to have facilities placed at its dis- 
posal which will remove these. 

Turning to industry, our policy must be to give it every facility 
possible, but to keep Government outside of participation in busi- 
ness on its own account. It is not necessary for the Government to 
intrude itself in the business activities which are better conducted 
through private instrumentalities merely in order to demonstrate 
that the Government is more powerful than anything else in this 
country. The time has passed when any man or group of men are 
likely to indulge the idea of being more powerfid than the Govern- 
ment. There is no need for the Government to engage in business 
in order to enforce justice and fair dealing in business. Xor is 
there need for the Government to engage in business to deplete. the 
Treasury. The Government's part in business should be no more 
than to insure adherence to the principles of common honesty and 
to establish regulations that will enable it to sail a safe course. There 
has been some tendency to regard business as dishonest until it 
should prove itself honest and to regard bigness in business as a 
crime. But almost all business to-day is conducted on a scale which, 
though we have come to regard it as commonplace, would have made 
our forefathers gasp ; and I prefer to assume it is honest until proven 
dishonest. If they had attempted to limit business in size and scope, 
they would have prevented even the little business of to-day being as 
great as it is. So I speak for the least possible measure of Govern- 
ment interference with business but for the largest cooperation with 
properly conducted business, and the most effective measures to in- 
sure that, whether it be big or little, business shall be honest and fair. 

In our effort at establishing industrial justice we must see that 
the wage earner is placed in an economically sound position. His 
lowest wage must be enougli for comfort, enough to make his house 
a home, enough to insure that the struggle for existence shall not 
crowd out the things truly Avorth existing for. There must be pro- 
vision for education, for recreation, and a margin for savings. There 
must be such freedom of action as will insure full play to the indi- 
vidual's abilities. On the other side, the wage earner must do jus- 
tice to society. He must render services fully equal in value to the 
compensation he is paid. And. finally, both employer and employee 
owe to the public such efficiency as will insure that cost of service or 
production shall not be higher than the })ublic can fairly pa}'. 

Assuming that these things may be laid doAvn as fundamentals, it 
is for us all to get back to work. That is what made our country 
great; it is what will put the whole world back on the right track. 



14 

AVe must have, the world must have, confidence that things will come 
out right. We have dealt with the greatest problem that humanity 
ever confronted in carrying on the war. We will have no problem 
hereafter greater or more difficult than that was. Therefore we are 
entitled to every confidence that we will cope successfully with the 
problems Avhich yet lie ahead of us. 

Our position in the world has been greatly changed as a result of 
the war. We have become a creditor rather than a debtor. It is 
doubtless unfortunate that the change was brought about under the 
conditions which war imposed. We would have become a great 
creditor nation in the near future had there been no war. The 
exigencies of war compelled the Government to take, by taxation, 
much wealth from our people to be loaned to our Allies. This is 
the basis of their obligation to us, and it is not a good form in which 
to hold the obligations of one people to another people. It is alto- 
gether to be hoped that in a reasonable period we may change the 
form of these obligations and distribute them among all the people. 
We hope that this may be accomplished and also that there may be 
effective reduction of the cost of Government. In these ways we hope 
to release a great volume of wealth and credit from the burden that 
Government has been imposing and make it available for the de- 
velopment of domestic industry and the expansion of foreign trade. 
We ask the cooperation of business leaders, and we assure them 
that within its proper limitations the Government will meet them 
halfway. 

By this j)rocess we shall aim to create renewed demand for the 
product of our industries, to establish permanent markets abroad 
for surpluses. We are learning that the immediate need, so far as 
our own country is concerned, is not so much production as facilities 
of exchange. To that end I could wish that the tendency of the 
world's gold to gravitate to us might be checked. Beyond the 
point of insuring security to our circulation, gold would be more 
useful to us in the vaults of great banks abroad, where it would 
be the guarantee of the gold standard and of those fair exchanges 
which are vital in international trade. I feel strongly that the 
protection of the gold standard is one of the great obligations 
which peculiarly appeals to us. 

We are coming to understand the elements of the problem we 
face, and that is a long step toward solution. Give us the earnest 
support of such men as I see gathered here, of such organs of 
sound policy as we are gathered to acclaim, and we shall not be 
long in putting our country on the right course, ready for the 
signal. " Full speed ahead." 

o 



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